China and Tibet: A Clash of Civilizations?

Recent protests at the Olympic torch relays have turned the Olympic spirit of “mutual understanding with a spirit of friendship, solidarity, and fair play” into a political battleground between those for a free Tibet and those for a unified China. In his article, Huntington argues that international relations will be dominated more and more by civilization identity in the future, defined by seven or eight “major civilizations [that include] Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American, and possibly African”. The China-Tibet conflict and the influence of international players can be evaluated in the light of his argument that cultural identity will characterize an increasing numbers of conflicts.

Huntington’s theory almost predicts the conflict between China and Tibet: China, in its Confucian identity, is inherently different from the Tibetan one in tradition, language, lifestyle, and religion. Besides allegations that the Chinese development of infrastructure and educational institutions in Tibet were unwanted and imperial in nature, the two major points of conflict have been the imposition of Chinese language as the official language in schools and the suppression of Buddhism. Both points are integral to what Huntington deems as the “real” and “basic” differences of civilizations that are “far more fundamental than differences among political ideologies and political regimes”, though it is questionable as to which civilization Tibet would fall under. Additionally, in the wake of globalization and the Dalai Lama’s presence abroad, Tibet has become increasingly aware of commonalities of Tibetan civilizations with others abroad in its desire for independence and an end to its supposed repression.

While the increased awareness has garnered western support for Tibet, this fact of increased Tibetan identification with other civilizations along the lines of political ideology also predicts why western support for the Dalai Lama’s efforts have been less effective than the new wave of Chinese nationalism against the separation of Tibet. Perhaps western protests during the Olympic torch relay have caused little change because it is increasingly difficult to “mobilize support and form coalitions on the basis of ideology”—Tibet, other than its push for autonomy and eventual sovereignty, has no point of identification with its supporters around the world. Recently, Chinese nationalism has grown tremendously both domestically and abroad, often overpowering pro-Tibet protests. In light of Huntington’s argument, this backlash is predicted due to their common cultural identity. The media especially has played an integral part in perpetuating this reaction: the internet has been key in staging massive pro-China movements, especially in the aftermath of Western media’s misrepresentation of China, which has caused a unanimous uproar.

The China-Tibet seems to be an excellent example of Huntington’s clash of civilizations at the micro-level, with “adjacent groups along the fault lines between civilizations [struggling], often violently, over the control of territory”. In the end, while outside opinions might play a role, this issue will remain a dominantly cultural one to be resolved between China and Tibet and it is sad to see the political tainting of the Olympics based on loose ideological connections.